Introduction

In Reformed and Presbyterian circles, a great deal of attention is given to the Three Forms of Unity and the Westminster Standards, and rightly so. But a venerable confession that served Scottish Presbyterianism well for eighty-seven years is one that is given scant attention in our day: the Scots Confession of 1560.¹

The Scots Confession (SC) is one of the most determinative articles in terms of giving shape to the Scottish national church and the development and legacy of Scottish theology, as this article will argue. As formative as its more famous successor, the Westminster Confession of Faith (WCF), became, we will argue that the SC of 1560 deserves to be understood as a foundational artifact that helped shape the identity and theological self-consciousness of the Scottish church.² Additionally, we will observe that the SC served to perpetuate certain loci of Scottish theology, such as can be traced out by noting common emphases in later successor confessions.³ To make this case regarding the SC, we are assuming that it is sufficiently historical and accurate to view the WCF as a reliable deposit of the convictions of the branch of Christianity known as British Reformed theology. Moreover, we are assuming that, given its later adoption as the theological standard of the Church of Scotland, it is a reliable (though not exhaustive) deposit of the convictions of that sub-field known as Scottish theology.

Thus, to make our case regarding the SC, after giving a brief background to the penning of the Confession, we will examine the Confession’s influence along two contours:

1. As it pertains to the development of Scottish theology proper: first by considering what the authors of the SC were not setting out to accomplish, then by considering what they were setting out to accomplish, and then by examining a number of the confession’s particular theological loci.
2. As it serves as a segue to the eventual adoption of its successor: the WCF, a reasonable barometer of Scottish theology.

Historical Context

The SC of 1560 was a foundational document of the newly-Reformed and Protestant Church of Scotland, marking the country’s formal break from Roman Catholicism. Written during a period of intense religious upheaval, it reflects the influence of the broader Protestant Reformation.

The Confession was authored by six leading Scottish reformers, often called the “Six Johns,” with John Knox (c. 1514–1572) being the most well-known. The other authors of the document were John Winram (1492–1582), John Spottiswood (1510–1585), John Willock (c.1515–1585), John Douglas (c.1500–1574), and John Row (c. 1525–1580). The document was composed in just four days (!) at the request of the Scottish Parliament after the Protestant Reformation had gained significant momentum in the country. Its purpose was to provide a clear statement of Protestant beliefs, aligning Scotland with the teachings of John Calvin and other Continental Reformers. The drafting of this document was also an artifact born out of the political struggle between the Protestant lords in Scotland and the Catholic monarchy, led by Mary of Guise (1515–1560), who was the regent for her daughter, Mary, Queen of Scots (1542–1587). The desire for the Confession’s composition also reflected a growing sense of national identity, which aligned with a desire for religious reform.

We must be careful to point out that the SC was not shaped in an environment of theological arrogance but rather in the laboratory of necessity: Scottish church leaders sensed the need to articulate a confessional, theological standard that was uniquely suited to their circumstances as a brand new national church, while at the same time standing in harmony with the other confessional expressions of the still-young Reformed tradition.

The Non-Ambitions of the Confession

One thing the authors of the SC did not seek to do was to elevate the authority of the Confession above that of Scripture or seek to supplant Scripture in any way. Quite the contrary, the view of the confession’s authors and the teaching embedded within the document itself reiterates the Reformers’ desire to subordinate their own teachings and interpretations to that of Scripture.⁴

We must also note that the SC was not seeking to supplant the role or status of the early church creeds in the life of the Scottish kirk. Indeed, the First Book of Discipline requires that communicants have a familiarity with not the Scots Confession, but the Apostles’ Creed. ⁵ In Knox’s Book of Common Order, the Creed appears in the template for regular public worship at the end of one of the prayers, as well as in the Baptismal Service. Moreover, religious instruction in the Scottish kirk was done chiefly via catechizing, and the means for this endeavor were not the Confession but rather the catechisms of Calvin, Beza, Craig, and Welsh.⁶

The Conscious Intentions of the Confession

What, then, was the goal in mind when these men penned the SC? Certainly, it was meant to be a positive articulation of the theological convictions of the newly-established Protestant Church of Scotland. It was meant to be a litmus test in terms of religious orthodoxy. It was meant to be an expression of convictions contra the errors of Romanism and other aberrant traditions. And it was meant to be a means by which to guard the church’s teaching ministry by using it to evaluate ordinands’ and ministers’ orthodoxy. Ministers would serve in the Church of Scotland with the expectation of their affirmation of the confession.⁷ David Wright, in a helpful synopsis initially quoting Ian Hazlett, notes, “[The confession’s] essential spirit is that of a manifesto, a zealous proclamation, a prophetic call to action. . . . [It is a] striking blend of evangelical activism with dogmatic apologetics.”⁸

Emphases in the Confession

Unsurprisingly, the confession was indeed a strongly anti-Romanist statement. Henderson notes:

It was a manifesto of revolt rather than a calm, scientific analysis and exposition of the Faith. Like other war-time documents, it breathes little of the spirit of charity and toleration. It is frankly vituperative where its modern counterpart would doubtless be subtly insinuative; but it is no more bitter than are party utterances in our own day, and the Catholic Encyclopaedia speaks of it as “written in a vigorous, original and, for a document proceeding from the pen of Knox, in an extremely moderate style.”⁹

Teachings such as the infallibility of the church councils is denied;¹⁰ superstition is renounced;¹¹transubstantiation is described as something “perniciously taught and damnably believed”;¹² and the sacraments are stated as being only two (as opposed to the Roman system of seven sacraments), per the institution of Christ himself.¹³

But it is not only Roman doctrines that are repudiated in the SC. The alleged Zwinglian notion¹⁴ of the sacraments being a mere memorial without spiritual efficacy (“naked and bare signs”) is rejected, as is Anabaptist doctrine with regard to infant baptism.¹⁵

Additionally, the confession declared that the true church was to be identified not by mere antiquity, majority approval of the opinions of men, traceable lineage to significant sites of church history, etc., but rather by the true preaching of the Word, the right administration of the sacraments, and church discipline rightly administered. ¹⁶

Some attention is given to the doctrine of the visible vs. invisible church, but more attention is given to the notion of the national kirk and to the regulation of the life of individual congregations than to the idea of the universal church.¹⁷

With regard to the issue of the rightful role of the civil magistrate, the confession argues that it is the magistrate’s duty to maintain the true religion and to suppress idolatry and superstition. For these Reformers, the duty of the civil magistrate (for the good of the people) was not only to suppress evils such as theft and murder, but also any blasphemies or heresies that impugn the glory of God. Moreover, the confession makes clear that Christ is the only Head of the Church, the Sovereign ruler. Neither papal nor royal authority is admitted to being the Head of the Church.¹⁸

The SC remained the official doctrinal statement of the Church of Scotland until it was superseded by the WCF in 1647.¹⁹ Indeed, this was the confession that nourished and gave expression to the faith of such theological luminaries as Andrew Melville (1545–1622), Alexander Henderson (c. 1583–1646), David Dickson (1583–1663), and Robert Baillie (1602–1662). Though no longer the Kirk’s official standard, it is illuminating as a window into the mind of the church of that day.

A casual glance at the confession’s theological loci will indicate to readers familiar with Reformed theology how this document served to shape the subsequent legacy of Scottish theology.²⁰ Given such emphases as the aforementioned (and noting how those same matters are given treatment later on in subsequent confessional writings in both Europe and North America), it is fair to conclude that the SC left an indelible impression on the collective mind of Presbyterian theology for generations.²¹

Having considered the historical context of the Confession’s composition and the broad contours of its doctrine, we will return in a second part to consider how the Scots Confession served as a natural segue to the Church of Scotland’s eventual adoption of the Westminster Standards.

A Side-by-Side Comparison of the Structures of the Scots Confession and the Westminster Confession

Scots Confession of 1560 1. God 2. The Creation of Man 3. Original Sin 4. The Revelation of the Promise 5. The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of the Kirk 6. The Incarnation of Jesus Christ 7. Why the Mediator Had to Be True God and True Man 8. Election 9. Christ’s Death, Passion, and Burial 10. The Resurrection 11. The Ascension 12. Faith in the Holy Ghost 13. The Cause of Good Works 14. The Works Which Are Counted Good Before God 15. The Perfection of the Law and The Imperfection of Man 16. The Kirk 17. The Immortality of Souls 18. The Notes by Which the True Kirk Shall Be Determined From The False, and Who Shall Be Judge of Doctrine 19. The Authority of the Scriptures 20. General Councils, Their Power, Authority, and the Cause of Their Summoning 21. The Sacraments 22. The Right Administration of the Sacraments 23. To Whom Sacraments Appertain 24. The Civil Magistrate 25. The Gifts Freely Given to the Kirk

Westminster Confession of Faith 1. Of the Holy Scripture 2. Of God, and of the Holy Trinity 3. Of God’s Eternal Decree 4. Of Creation 5. Of Providence 6. Of the Fall of Man, of Sin, and of the Punishment Thereof 7. Of God’s Covenant with Man 8. Of Christ the Mediator 9. Of Free Will 10. Of Effectual Calling 11. Of Justification 12. Of Adoption 13. Of Sanctification 14. Of Saving Faith 15. Of Repentance unto Life 16. Of Good Works 17. Of the Perseverance of the Saints 18. Of the Assurance of Grace and Salvation 19. Of the Law of God 20. Of Christian Liberty and Liberty of Conscience 21. Of Religious Worship and the Sabbath Day 22. Of Lawful Oaths and Vows 23. Of the Civil Magistrate 24. Of Marriage and Divorce 25. Of the Church 26. Of the Communion of Saints 27. Of the Sacraments 28. Of Baptism 29. Of the Lord’s Supper 30. Of Church Censures 31. Of Synods and Councils 32. Of the State of Men after Death, and of the Resurrection of the Dead 33. Of the Last Judgement

Notes

1. For a semi-recent, scholarly, and modernized version of the Scots Confession, see this edition by Ian Hazlett.
2. This is part of the aim of this series of articles: to draw renewed attention and appreciation for the Scots Confession, a venerable confessional artifact that, in this author’s opinion, deserves wider study in our day, particular among conservative and confessional audiences. Readers of the Heidelblog will note that in this article and the next, there is an occasional reference to the scholarship of Karl Barth and T. F. Torrance and their respective work on the Scots Confession. I trust that this will not alarm our readers. Far from being a commendation of Barth or Torrance (or their various theological views), this is simply an acknowledgment of their scholarship in the field and a sad concession that in the last hundred years (perhaps longer), very few figures have given any extended commentary on the Scots Confession. Hence, my modest desire to contribute something to this often-overlooked confessional artifact.
3. Ian Hazlett, “A New Version of the Scots Confession, 1560 [Introduction],” Theology in Scotland 17, no. 2 (January 1, 2010):33.
4. Though to be fair, the interpretative lens and theological presuppositions they brought to the table provided for them a non-negotiable framework, such that they understood their views to be unassailably biblical; cf. Karl Barth, The Knowledge of God and the Service of God according to the Teaching of the Reformation: Recalling the Scots Confession of 1560 (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1938), 11–12; G .D. Henderson, ed., The Scots Confession of 1560 (Edinburgh: St Andrew Press, 1960), 4.
5. The First Book of Discipline (1560) was written in tandem with the Scots Confession and outlined the initial system of order for the Scottish Church.
6. Henderson, The Scots Confession, 7.
7. Hazlett, “A New Version of the Scots Confession, 1560 [Introduction],” 34; Henderson, The Scots Confession, 7.
8. David F. Wright, “The Scottish Reformation: theology and theologians,” in David Bagchi and David C. Steinmetz eds., The Cambridge Companion to Reformation Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 190.
9. Henderson, The Scots Confession, 8.
10. Scots Confession, Chapter 20.
11. Scots Confession, Chapters 20 and 25.
12. Scots Confession, Chapter 21.
13. See chapters 21 and 22 of the Scots Confession (Henderson, 67–70); ; T. F. Torrance, Scottish Theology from John Knox to John McLeod Campbell (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000), 37–41; Wright, “The Scottish Reformation: theology and theologians,” 179.
14. This idea is often attributed to Ulrich Zwingli, the Reformer of Zurich, but it may not be entirely fair to Zwingli’s actual theology of the Lord’s Supper. But that is a conversation (or essay) for another day!
15. Namely, this was a repudiation of the Anabaptists’ rejection of the biblical validity of administering the sacrament of baptism to infants. See Scots Confession, Chapter 23 (Henderson, 72);  Wright, “The Scottish Reformation: theology and theologians,” 190–91.
16. Scots Confession, Chapter 18. These three characteristics have long been the classical, Reformed understanding on the marks of a true church since the time of Calvin, thanks in large part to Calvin’s own position: John Calvin, Tracts and Treatises of John Calvin, Vol. 1, trans. Henry Beveridge (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock, 2002), 38.
17. See Scots Confession, Chapters 5, 16, 18, 25. Henderson, The Scots Confession, 8–9.
18. Scots Confession, Chapter 16. Cf. Henderson, The Scots Confession, 9; Wright, “The Scottish Reformation: theology and theologians,” 179–80.
19. Though, interestingly, it is not abrogated. See Hazlett, “A New Version of the Scots Confession, 1560 [Introduction],” 35.
20. Hazlett, “A New Version of the Scots Confession, 1560 [Introduction],” 33. See the table below for a side-by-side comparison of the theological loci of the SC and the WCF.
21. G. W. Fisher, “’I Will Shake All Nations’: The Impact of Presbyterianism on America,” WRS Journal 13 (2006): 2–5; Hazlett,“A New Version of the Scots Confession, 1560 [Introduction],” 33; Henderson, The Scots Confession, 16; Wright, “The Scottish Reformation: theology and theologians,” 190–92.

©Sean Morris. All Rights Reserved.

You can find the whole series here. 

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Post authored by:

• Sean Morris

  

  Sean was educated at Grove City College, Reformed Theological Seminary (Jackson, MS), and the University of Glasgow (Scotland). He is an ordained teaching elder in the Presbyterian Church in America, and serves as a minister at the Covenant Presbyterian Church in Oak Ridge, TN. He also serves as the Academic Dean of the Blue Ridge Institute for Theological Education. He is currently pursuing his PhD in Historical Theology at Puritan Reformed Theological Seminary in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Sean lives in Oak Ridge with his wife, Sarah, along with their children and useless beagle.

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